The Science for Profit Model—How and why corporations influence science and the use of science in policy and practice 

Why has scientism rather than real genuine science crept into every aspect of our industries and lives? Read the full article here The Science for Profit Model—How and why corporations influence science and the use of science in policy and practice.
This paper is the first to attempt to fully categorise corporate influence on both science and the use of science in policy and practice. It shows that corporate influence on science goes far beyond a handful of industry actors working nefariously to skew isolated evidence bases. Instead, it involves industries permeating and moulding scientific, academic, and policymaking systems to ensure such systems work in their interest. We identified 5 macro, 19 meso, and 64 micro strategies through which this influence is enacted (the Science for Profit Typology—Table 1), finding that these strategies are used consistently and repeatedly by diverse corporations across eight industry sectors–alcohol, chemicals and manufacturing, extractive, food and drink, fossil fuels, gambling, pharmaceuticals and medical technologies, and tobacco. All eight industries were seen to use either four or all five of the macro strategies, and between 10 and 19 of the 19 meso-level strategies (Table 2). .
Our analysis also demonstrated these industries’ attempts to influence science were undertaken for similar reasons. We developed a model of corporate influence on science and the use of science in policy and practice (the Science for Profit Model–Fig 2) to illustrate the mechanisms through which this influence is mediated, identifying four stages of influence, which we name “strategies”, “effects on science”, “proximal outcomes” and “distal outcomes”.
Fig 2. The Science for Profit Model—Corporate influence on science and the use of science in policy and practice—Strategies, effects, and outcomes.

The model shows that the corporate macro, meso and micro strategies identified work collectively to achieve the following effects on science–to maximise the volume, credibility, reach, and use of industry-favourable science, and to minimise those same aspects of industry-unfavourable science. In this way, corporations reshape and skew whole evidence bases in their interests (such that when, for example, researchers, policymakers and practitioners look to the literature for answers to problems they may, often unknowingly, find evidence bases flooded with research tailored for industry’s benefit), control who evidence does and does not reach (with evidence on industry harms sometimes not seeing the light of day while a plethora of trusted voices are used to ensure industry-funded misinformation reaches key audiences), and ultimately influence how evidence gets used.

These complex and multifaceted interactions with science lead to three proximal outcomes: they (i) create doubt about the potential harms of industry products and/or practices and about policies that might reduce product sales or profitability; (ii) promote industry-favoured policy responses and industry products as solutions to complex problems; and (iii) legitimise the role of corporations as stakeholders in science and, through this, society. These proximal outcomes in turn serve to create three distal outcomes–to weaken policy, prevent litigation, and maximise consumption and use of industry products and practices, ultimately maximising corporate profitability.

Perhaps most worrying was not just the scale and consistency of this corporate influence but that it extends substantially beyond influencing the production, credibility, and reach of science to shaping how science is used in policy and practice with potentially far-reaching societal impacts. For instance, we found that corporations have worked to promote an over simplistic risk-based, rather than precautionary-based approach to regulation, which sets a high evidential bar and enables industry to dismantle whole evidence bases paper by paper [22348]. Industry has misleadingly referred to this as a ‘science-based’ approach despite the fact that it is specifically intended to make it harder for policymakers to both use whole evidence bases in what is a genuinely scientific approach, and to regulate corporate products [49]. To date, corporations have sought to implement such systems via both regulatory reforms and trade and investment treaties [4348], policy fora where public health and environmental interest groups may not routinely be present. Similarly, industries have worked to embed systems which, through the use of stakeholder consultations and impact assessments requiring a cost benefit approach, increase reliance on and provide a conduit for industry-favourable science [5052]. Evidence from the EU shows that this was specifically intended to make it harder to pass policies that would protect human and planetary health and has gone on to be used in this way [21435154]. Worryingly, such systems are widespread [5862] and may be having adverse impacts on policymaking in many jurisdictions.

Strengths and weaknesses

A key strength of our approach is that it creates an evidence-based, pan-industry typology and model. The typology provides an accessible way of understanding the diverse corporate strategies used and the intentions behind them, while the model outlines, simply, the ways in which these strategies lead to outcomes.

The particular strengths of our analysis over existing attempts to synthesise the evidence in this area are three-fold. First, it identifies industry sectors inductively, leading to the inclusion of several sectors that thus far had either been excluded from (the gambling industry) [272863] or relatively neglected in (the alcohol [22763], extractive [2729], food and drink [22763] and fossil fuels [282963] industries) this work. Second, it extends previous syntheses that focused on corporate influence on science by also examining the ways in which corporations have attempted to influence the use of science in policymaking. Thus, much of Macro Strategy D had not been outlined in previous syntheses. The sub-section of literature on which this strategy is based identifies a little recognised route of corporate influence [21], yet one which is vital to understand given its potential far reaching impacts. Third, we have provided significant detail on the industry strategies identified. Similar to previous work on corporate political activity that synthesised large volumes of evidence into evidence-based typologies [1012], we identified and categorised corporate strategies not only broadly (the macro and meso strategies) but also in detail (micro strategies). This structured and hierarchical approach can aid in identifying key points in the system where change may be needed.

Where our data did not identify a specific industry’s use of a strategy, this should not be interpreted as evidence that industry does not use that strategy. This is particularly the case for strategies that are more covert and are therefore less likely to be documented. Examples include meso strategies 2 (covertly undertake or prevent “risky” industry research) and 11 (use legal means to protect industry evidence from being discovered or accessed); both evidenced in four of the eight industries. Further, analysis of corporate documents released following litigation against some industries has enabled the identification of more diverse strategies in these industries (the tobacco industry was found to use all 19 meso-strategies, the chemicals and manufacturing industry 18, and the pharmaceutical industry 16), when compared to industries where lawsuits have not provided such documents and where evidence is only now beginning to emerge (for example the gambling and extractive industries were found to use 10 and 12 of the 19, respectively).

We identified small amounts of data on other sectors including the banking [27] and tanning [64] industries but there was insufficient detail to include these in our analysis. There was also evidence that the tobacco industry planned to mobilise other industries such as the fishing and waterworks industries as part of their attempts to influence the use of science in policymaking [365]. See S2 Appendix for information on sectors excluded due to lack of data. Finally, while there is evidence that the pharmaceutical, tobacco, fossil fuels, and chemicals and manufacturing industries have worked to influence the use of science in tort litigation through the Daubert Ruling in the United States [240], the use of science in courts was beyond the remit of our study.

Implications for policy and practice

The Science for Profit Typology can be used as an analytic framework for further research on corporate scientific activity. For example, it could be used to ascertain whether and how industry strategies change over time and place, and in response to policy interventions (that is, do industries diversify their scientific strategies when their activity is restricted in some areas), or to examine the strategies used by additional industries, extending the typology where appropriate. This has been done in a similar fashion with the initial evidence-based typologies of corporate policy influence strategies [1012], which have then been used to investigate the corporate political activity of other industries [96668].

Our typology and the strategies therein intersect closely with the policy influence strategies identified in these corporate political activity (CPA) frameworks, in large part because the scientific strategies we identify are necessary building blocks in corporate influence. For instance, a key part of CPA, “information management” [11] identifies the production and use of misleading evidence as a key policy influence strategy. Our typology provides greater detail of the mechanisms through which this occurs. Another feature of CPA, “reputation management” [11] is also further elucidated in our typology in relation to science. Strategy 18 (manufacturing a picture of industry credibility) identifies how industries use interactions with science and academia to build their credibility, since this strategy functions not only to underpin and enable Macro Strategies A-D, but also to afford corporations greater credibility generally.

In short, influence on science does not occur in a vacuum; rather it is key part of the system through which corporate influence and power more generally are mediated. Amalgamating our typology with other models, overviews and conceptualisations of CPA and the commercial determinants of health (CDoH) [1011162069] could therefore provide a more holistic overview of how interactions with science serve corporate interests well beyond scientific and academic environments. This also indicates that addressing corporate influence on science is key to addressing CPA and CDoH more broadly.

Our typology and model can also inform future work in the field of agnotology [6]. Whilst not all agnogenesis (purposefully created ignorance) is created by corporations, or achieved through interactions with science, much is. As such, our work can further elucidate the relationship between corporate science-based strategies and the creation of agnogenesis.

Identifying solutions to corporate influence on science

The key use of our work, however, is that the identification of industry strategies can be used to identify solutions. Our finding that scientific influence is widespread and enacted in similar ways and for similar reasons across diverse industries, indicates that collective solutions are both necessary and feasible.

The model and typology effectively identify two broad routes to achieve such solutions. The first to address the strategies identified one by one; the second to address the underlying driver–corporate funding of science. To date, many policies and practices have been proposed, developed, and utilised that mitigate the effects of the corporate strategies we identify. While it is beyond the scope of this paper to detail all of these, we outline some important ways to address each of the five macro strategies.

Attempts to tackle bias in the conduct and publication of science (Macro Strategy A) involve research integrity tools, used to assess risk of bias and improve reporting in science [7071]; mandatory registration of clinical trials [72]; and policies mandating reductions in author conflicts of interest [73] and prohibiting the publication of industry-funded science [74]. However, many such scientific protections can and have been disregarded, manipulated, and circumvented by corporate interests, and are therefore insufficient. For instance, it is often impossible to detect the influence that a corporate funder may have had on the design and execution of science [2]; journal policies that preclude the publication of industry-funded science can be circumvented through non-disclosure [63]; and corporations find alternative mechanisms for publication of their research, including through the creation of industry-funded journals and through publication of non-peer-reviewed proceedings from industry-funded symposia [127].

Methods that have been suggested to mitigate corporate influence on the interpretation and reach of science (Macro Strategies B and C) include discontinuing industry-sponsored medical education [75], training consumers of science (including the public, journalists and health professionals) in evidence appraisal skills [7678], and preventing industry relationships with civil society organisations [79].

Addressing industry efforts to shape the use of science in policy decision-making (Macro Strategy D) is complex. While the aim should be to prevent the further spread of such industry-friendly policymaking environments, a first step is to raise awareness among the public and policymakers of these strategies and how industry has used them to date, including to undermine policy action on endocrine-disrupting chemicals [40], carcinogenic solvents [2], tobacco [5354], and climate change [2].

Given its underpinning role, addressing industry attempts to manufacture trust in itself and its science (Macro strategy E), will be key. That industry uses its involvement in research to enable it to be seen as socially conscious and as a necessary partner in the search for solutions, often to problems it has created, is not yet typically understood as a key facet of “reputation management” [11]. As with many of the strategies identified, training in corporate influence on science as a key element of research training is an essential first step. Efforts to tackle concealment of industry involvement in science (that is, the second part of Macro strategy E) such as an author-centric database of researchers’ financial interests [8081] should be developed and implemented. However, since research has shown that declarations of conflicts of interest can have unanticipated impacts [82]; transparency measures are not a panacea.

Ultimately, however, addressing the underlying driver of much of this corporate influence on science is best achieved via structural changes to the way science is funded. A model for how corporate monies can be used to fund independent science has been elaborated for tobacco–essentially by mandating payments from industry which are then independently administered [83]. Such systems have been implemented in Italy, California, and Thailand, where levies on the pharmaceutical, tobacco, and alcohol industries have been used to fund independent research on their products [758485]. Such an approach would help address all the other strategies identified and therefore likely represents the most effective and sustainable solution.

Read full article here



  1. 1.Union of Concerned Scientists. Heads they Win, Tails we Lose. How Corporations Corrupt Science at the Public’s Expense. Union of Concerned Scientists; 2012.
  2. 2.McGarity TO, Wagner W.E. Bending Science: how special interests corrupt public health research. MA, USA: Harvard University Press; 2008.
  3. 3.White J, Bero LA. Corporate Manipulation of Research: Strategies are Similar across Five Industries. Stanford Law and Policy Review. 2010;21:105–34.
  4. 4.Daube M. Shining a light on industry research funding. American Journal of Public Health. 2018;108(11):1441–2. pmid:30303729
  5. 5.Michaels D. Doubt is their Product: How Industry’s Assault on Science Threatens your Health. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2008.
  6. 6.Proctor RN, Schiebinger L. Agnotology. The making and unmaking of ignorance. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press; 2008.
  7. 7.Moses H, Matheson DH, Cairns-Smith S, George BP, Palisch C, Dorsey R. The anatomy of medical research—US and international comparisons. JAMA. 2015;313:174–89. pmid:25585329
  8. 8.Reisch MS. Research spending continues on an upward trajectory 2019
  9. 9.Mialon M, Chantal J., Hercberg S. The Policy Dystopia Model adapted to the food industry: the example of the Nutri-Score saga in France. World Nutrition. 2018;9(2):109–20.
  10. 10.Savell E, Fooks G, Gilmore AB. How does the alcohol industry attempt to influence marketing regulations? A systematic review. Addiction. 2015;111:18–32. pmid:26173765
  11. 11.Ulucanlar S, Fooks GJ, Gilmore AB. The Policy Dystopia Model: An Interpretive Analysis of Tobacco Industry Political Activity. Plos Medicine. 2016;13(9). pmid:27649386
  12. 12.Savell E, Gilmore AB, Fooks G. How does the tobacco industry attempt to influence marketing regulations? A systematic review. PLoS One. 2014;9(2):e87389. pmid:24505286
  13. 13.Mialon M, Julia C, Hercberg S. The policy dystopia model adapted to the food industry: the example of the Nutri-Score saga in France. World Nutrition. 2018;9:109–20.
  14. 14.Maani N, Collin J, Friel S, Gilmore AB, McCambridge J, Robertson L, et al. Bringing the commercial determinants of health out of the shadows: a review of how the commercial determinants are represented in conceptual frameworks. European Journal of Public Health. 2020. pmid:31953933
  15. 15.Maani N, McKee M, Petticrew M, Galea S. Corporate practices and the health of populations: a research and translational agenda. The Lancet. 2020;5. pmid:32032560
  16. 16.Kickbusch I, Allen L, Franz C. The Commercial Determinants of Health. The Lancet Global Health. 2016;4(12):895–6. pmid:27855860
  17. 17.Baum FE, Sanders DM, Fisher M, Anaf J, Freudenberg N, Friel S, et al. Assessing the health impact of transnational corporations: its importance and a framework. Globalization and Health. 2016;12(27). pmid:27301248
  18. 18.Knai C, Petticrew M, Mays N, Capewell S, Cassidy R, Cummins S, et al. Systems thinking as a framework for analysing commercial determinants of health. Milbank Quarterly. 2018;96(3):472–98.
  19. 19.Madureira Lima J, Galea S. Corporate practices and health: a framework and mechanisms. Globalization and Health. 2018;14(21). pmid:29448968
  20. 20.Wood B, Baker P, Sacks G. Conceptualising the Commercial Determinants of Health Using a Power Lens: A Review and Synthesis of Existing Frameworks. International Journal of Health Policy and Management. 2021:-.
  21. 21.Smith KE, Fooks G, Collin J, Weishaar H, Mandal S, Gilmore AB. “Working the System’’-British American Tobacco’s Influence on the European Union Treaty and Its Implications for Policy: An Analysis of Internal Tobacco Industry Documents. Plos Medicine. 2010;7(1).
  22. 22.Smith KE, Fooks G, Gilmore AB, Collin J, Weishaar H. Corporate Coalitions and Policy Making in the European Union: How and Why British American Tobacco Promoted “Better Regulation”. Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law. 2015;40(2):325–72.
  23. 23.Ong EK, Glantz SA. Constructing “sound science” and “good epidemiology”: tobacco, lawyers, and public relations firms. Am J Public Health. 2001;91(11):1749–57. pmid:11684593
  24. 24.Union of Concerned Scientists. Smoke, Mirrors and Hot Air. How Exxon Mobil uses Big Tobacco’s tactics to manufacture uncertainty on climate science. 2007.
  25. 25.Cassidy R, Loussouarn C, Pisac A. Fair Game: Producing gambling research. Goldsmiths; 2013.
  26. 26.Jernigan DH. Global Alcohol Producers, Science, and Policy: The Case of the International Center for Alcohol Policies. American Journal of Public Health. 2012;102(1):80–9. pmid:22095330
  27. 27.Pinto MF. To Know or Better Not to: Agnotology and the Social Construction of Ignorance in Commercially Driven Research. Science and Technology Studies. 2017;30(2):53–72.
  28. 28.Fabbri A, Lai A, Grundy Q, Bero L. The influence of industry sponsorship on the research agenda: a scoping review. American Journal of Public Health. 2018;108(11). pmid:30252531
  29. 29.Akl EA, Khamis AM. The intersections of industry with the health research enterprise. Health Research Policy and Systems. 2019;17(53). pmid:31142343
  30. 30.Petticrew M, Maani Hessari N, Knai C, Weiderpass E. How alcohol industry organisations mislead the public about alcohol and cancer. Drug and Alcohol Review. 2017; pmid:28881410
  31. 31.Kirsch S. Mining Capitalism. The Relationship between Corporations and their Critics. Oakland, California: University of California Press; 2014.
  32. 32.Arksey H, O’Malley L. Scoping studies: towards a methodological framework. International Journal of Social research Methodology. 2005;8(1):19–32.
  33. 33.Levac D, Colqujoun H, O’Brien KK. Scoping studies: advancing the methodology. Implementation Science. 2010;5(69). pmid:20854677
  34. 34.Colquhoun HL, Levac D, O’Brien KK, Straus S, Tricco AC, Perrier L, et al. Scoping reviews: time for clarity in definition, methods and reporting. Journal of Clinical Epidemiology. 2014;67:1291–4. pmid:25034198
  35. 35.Lincoln YS, Guba EG. Naturalistic Inquiry. CA: Sage; 1985.
  36. 36.Babor TF. Alcohol research and the alcoholic beverage industry: issues, concerns and conflicts of interest. Addiction. 2009;104:34–47. pmid:19133913
  37. 37.Michaels D. Manufactured Uncertainty: Contested Science and the Protection of the Public’s Health and Environment. Agnotology: the making and unmaking of ignorance. Stanford: Stanford University Press; 2008.
  38. 38.Kearns CE, Glantz SA, Schmidt LA. Sugar Industry Influence on the Scientific Agenda of the National Institute of Dental Research’s 1971 National Caries Program: A Historical Analysis of Internal Documents. Plos Medicine. 2015;12(3). pmid:25756179
  39. 39.Bero LA. Tobacco Industry Manipulation of Research. Late Lessons from Early Warnings: Science, Precaution, Innovation EA report number 1/2013: European Environmental Agency; 2013.
  40. 40.Bingham E, Boden L, Clapp R, Hoppin P, Krimsky S, Michaels D, et al. Daubert: The Most Influential Supreme Court Ruling You’ve Never Heard Of. Boston: Tellus Institute; 2003.
  41. 41.Egilman DS, Billings MA. Abuse of epidemiology: Automobile manufacturers manufacture a defense to asbestos liability. International Journal of Occupational and Environmental Health. 2005;11(4):360–71. pmid:16350470
  42. 42.Hanauer P, Slade J, Barnes DE, Bero L, Glantz SA. Lawyer control of internal scientific research to protect against products liability lawsuits. The Brown and Williamson documents 1. JAMA. 1995;274(3):234–40. pmid:7609232
  43. 43.Smith E, Azoulay D, Tuncak B. Lowest common denominator. How the proposed EU-US trade deal threatens to lower standards of protection from toxic pesticides.: Center for International Environmental Law; 2015.
  44. 44.Nestle M. Soda Politics: Taking on Big Soda (and winning). Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2015.
  45. 45.Babor TF, Robaina K. Public Health, Academic Medicine, and the Alcohol Industry’s Corporate Social Responsibility Activities. American Journal of Public Health. 2013;103(2):206–14. pmid:23237151
  46. 46.Stamatakis E, Weiler R, Ioannidis JPA. Undue industry influences that distort healthcare research, strategy, expenditure and practice: a review. European Journal of Clinical Investigation. 2013;43(5):469–75. pmid:23521369
  47. 47.Brandt AM. Inventing Conflicts of Interest: A History of Tobacco Industry Tactics. American Journal of Public Health. 2012;102(1):63–71. pmid:22095331
  48. 48.Smith K, Gilmore A, Fooks G. Shaping risk assessment in the US and the EU: the role of the tobacco industry. In: Bero L, editor. Tobacco industry manipulation of research—Late Lessons from Early Warnings: Science, Precaution, Innovation European Environmental Agency; 2013.
  49. 49.Pesticide ActionNetwork UK, Sustain, Lydgate E. Toxic Trade—how trade deals threaten to weaken UK pesticide standards. 2020.
  50. 50.Smoke Free Partnership. The origin of EU Better Regulation—the Disturbing Truth. Smoke Free Partnership; 2010.
  51. 51.Smith K, Fooks G, Collin J, Weishaar H, Gilmore A. Is the increasing policy use of Impact Assessment in Europe likely to undermine efforts to achieve healthy public policy? Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health. 2010;64:478–87. pmid:20466716
  52. 52.Smith K, Fooks G, Gilmore AB, Collin J, W H. Corporate coalitions and policymaking in the European Union: How and why British American Tobacco promoted ‘Better Regulation’. Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law. 2015;40(2):325–72. pmid:25646389
  53. 53.Ulucanlar S, Fooks GJ, Hatchard JL, Gilmore AB. Representation and misrepresentation of scientific evidence in contemporary tobacco regulation: a review of tobacco industry submissions to the UK Government consultation on standardised packaging. PLoS Med. 2014;11(3):e1001629. pmid:24667150
  54. 54.Peeters S, Costa H, Stuckler D, McKee M, Gilmore AB. The revision of the 2014 European tobacco products directive: an analysis of the tobacco industry’s attempts to ’break the health silo’. Tobacco Control. 2015;25:108–17. pmid:25713313
  55. 55.Nestle M. Food politics: how the food industry influences nutrition and health. California: University of California Press; 2013.
  56. 56.Brownell KD, Warner KE. The Perils of Ignoring History: Big Tobacco Played Dirty and Millions Died. How similar is Big Food? The Milbank Quarterly. 2009;87(1). pmid:19298423
  57. 57.Lee S, Ling PM, Glantz SA. The vector of the tobacco epidemic: tobacco industry practices in low and middle-income countries. Cancer causes & control: CCC. 2012;23 Suppl 1:117–29. pmid:22370696
  58. 58.European Commission. Better regulation for better results—An EU agenda—Communication from the Commission to the European Partliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions. Strasbourg: European Commission; 2015.
  59. 59.Department for Business EaIS. Better Regulation Framework—interim guidance. 2020.
  60. 60.Government of Canada. Smart Regulation—report on actions and plans. Canada: Government of Canada; 2005.
  61. 61.The Government of New South Wales A. NSW Guide to Better Regulation. The Government of New South Wales, Australia.
  62. 62.Banya P, Waddington R. Getting to Better Regulation: Lessons from East Africa. DAI; 2007.
  63. 63.White J, Bero L.A. Corporate manipulation of research: strategies are similar across five industries. Standford Law and Policy Review. 2010;21(1).
  64. 64.Michaels D, Monforton C. Manufacturing Uncertainty: Contested Science and the Protection of the Public’s Health and Environment. American Journal of Public Health. 2005;95. pmid:16030337
  65. 65.Baba A, Cook DM, McGarity TO, Bero LA. Legislating “sound science”: The role of the tobacco industry. American Journal of Public Health. 2005;95:S20–S7. pmid:16030333
  66. 66.Paixao MM, Mialon M. Help or hindrance? The alcohol industry and alcohol control in Portugal. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health. 2019;16:4554. pmid:31752119
  67. 67.Sama TB, Hiilamo H. Alcohol industry strategies to influence the reform of the Finnish Alcohol Law. Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs. 2019;36(6):556–68. pmid:32934588
  68. 68.Hancock L, Ralph N, Martino FP. Applying Corporate Political Activity (CPA) analysis to Australian gambling industry submissions against regulation of television sports betting advertising. PLoS One. 2018;13(10). pmid:30325957
  69. 69.Mialon M, Swinburn B, Sacks G. A proposed approach to systematically identify and monitor the corporate political activity of the food industry with respect to public health using publicly available information. Obesity Reviews. 2015;16(7):519–30. pmid:25988272
  70. 70.Sterne J, Savovic J, Page MJ, Elbers RG, Blencowe NS, Boutron I, et al. RoB2: A revised tool for assessing risk of bias in randomised trials. BMJ. 2019;366:14898.
  71. 71.Moher D, Liberati A, Tetzlaff J, Altman DG. Preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses: the PRISMA statement. PLOS Medicine. 2009;6(7).
  72. 72.Palma DA, Zietman A. Clinical trial registration: a mandatory requirement for publication in the red journal. International Journal of Radiation Oncology. 2015;91(4):685–6.
  73. 73.Soares-Weiser K. Cochrane accounces a new, more rigorous ’conflict of interest’ policy. BMJ Opinion. 2019.
  74. 74.Godlee F, Malone R, Timmis A, Otto C, Bush A, Pavord I, et al. Journal policy on research funded by the tobacco industry. Heart. 2014;100(1):2–3. pmid:24129157
  75. 75.Moynihan R, Bero L, Hill S, Johansson M, Lexchin J, Macdonald H, et al. Pathways to independence:towards producing and using trustworthy evidence. BMJ. 2019;367. pmid:31796508
  76. 76.Odierna DH, Forsyth SR, White J, Bero LA. The Cycle of Bias in Health Research: A Framework and Toolbox for Critical Appraisal Training. Accountability in Research-Policies and Quality Assurance. 2013;20(2):127–41. pmid:23432773
  77. 77.Odierna DH, White J, Forsyth S, Bero LA. Critical appraisal training increases understanding and confidence and enhances the use of evidence in diverse categories of learners. Health Expectations. 2015;18(2):273–87. pmid:23252397
  78. 78.Cook J. Understanding and countering misinformation about climate change. In: Chiluwa I, Samoilenko S, editors. Handbook of Research on Deception, Fake News, and Misinformation. Hershey, PA: IGI-Global; 2019.
  79. 79.Daube M. The WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control—time for a civil society equivalent? Public Health Research and Practice. 2020;30(3):e3032018.
  80. 80.Grundy Q, Dunn AG, Bero L. Improving researchers’ conflict of interest declarations. Bmj-British Medical Journal. 2020;368. pmid:32161006
  81. 81.Legg T, Legendre M, Gilmore AB. Paying lip service to publication ethics: scientific publishing practices and the Foundation for a Smoke-Free World. Tobacco Control. forthcoming.
  82. 82.The PLoS Medicine Editors. Does Conflict of Interest Disclosure Worsen Bias? PLoS Medicine. 2012;9(4):1–2. pmid:22545026
  83. 83.Cohen JE, Zeller M, Eissenberg T, Parascandola M, O’Keefe R, Planinac L, et al. Criteria for evaluating tobacco control research funding programs and their application to models that include financial support from the tobacco industry. Tobacco Control. 2009;18(3):228. pmid:19240229
  84. 84.Pongutta S, Suphanchaimat R, Patcharanarumol W, Tangcharoensathien V. Lessons from the Thai Health Promotion Foundation. Bulletin of the World Health Organization. 2018;97:213–20. pmid:30992634
  85. 85.Tobacco-Related Disease Research Program (TRDRP). About us

One thought on “The Science for Profit Model—How and why corporations influence science and the use of science in policy and practice 

Leave a Reply

Previous post Mama Elephant lost her Will to live after Baby trapped in a ditch
Next post Heat Wave Hysteria in Britain
%d bloggers like this: